Orange County NC Website
<br /> <br />NORTH CAROLINA POVERTY RESEARCH FUND 19 <br />Court Fines and Fees: Criminalizing Poverty in North Carolina <br />fees in Washington State calculated that direct expenditures (which consisted of personnel hired to collect <br />fines and fees and the cost of mailings to defendants) came to about $16 million, while the state made <br />about $21.6 million. However, this comparison did not include any indirect costs stemming from <br />hearings, arrests, incarceration and the like.113 <br /> <br />Low rates of collection—substantially less than 50% in many jurisdictions—suggest that state resources <br />are expended chasing uncollectable fines and fees when they could be put to better use.114 North <br />Carolina’s own Administrative Office of the Courts (AOC) has admitted that the court debts of many <br />defendants are a lost cause. Responding to a critical state audit, the AOC defended its failure to bring in <br />millions of dollars in outstanding fines and fees by writing off the sum as uncollectable.115 By way of <br />explanation, the AOC director at that time observed that defendants are “among the very poorest and most <br />destitute in the state.”116 Yet the courts, he acknowledged, continue to jail them for failure to comply—in <br />an empty and possibly unlawful charade. <br /> <br />We hear assertions about the state’s pressing need for the funds that fines and fees provide, but we don’t <br />hear much about the resources required to assess, manage and collect fines and fees or the costs involved <br />in overseeing and sanctioning defendants—never mind the broader social harms at play. Without the data <br />to test these claims, they remain unchallenged. Maybe that’s the point. If fines and fees can’t stand on the <br />arguments—fiscal exigency and cost efficiency—advanced in their defense, they should be recognized as <br />purely punitive and vindictive measures directed at some of the state’s most disadvantaged citizens. <br /> <br /> <br />History of Fines and Fees in North Carolina <br /> <br />The massive growth of the criminal justice system in recent decades fueled steep increases in state <br />expenditures. In the 1970s and 1980s, incarceration rates nationwide rose inexorably, driven by a “get <br />tough on crime” mentality, mandatory sentencing, and the wars on crime and drugs. In 40 years, the <br />number of people behind bars in the U.S. jumped 700 percent.117 The number of people incarcerated in <br />North Carolina has grown dramatically as well. The combined prison and jail population rose from about <br />16,000 in 1978 to about 55,000 in 2013—an increase of 244% (Fig. 1). The prison inmate population <br />grew so quickly in the 1980s that federal takeover due to overcrowding was imminent. The number of <br />people under correctional supervision has almost doubled since 1985 (Fig. 2). In 2016, 57,000 people <br />were incarcerated in state prisons or local jails, 89,000 were on probation and 9,600 were on parole.118 <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br />113 Beckett and Harris, “On Cash and Conviction: Monetary Sanctions as Misguided Policy,” 527–28. <br />114 Surveys have found collection rates ranging from around 50% in Virginia to well under half in Alabama to 9% in Florida. <br />Pepin, The End of Debtors’ Prisons: Effective Court Policies for Successful Compliance with Legal Financial Obligations, 3. <br />115 Office of the State Auditor, Performance Audit, Judicial Department, Court-Ordered Fines, Fees, and Restitution, 18. <br />116 Office of the State Auditor, 20. In the same breath, the head of the AOC also stated, “When consulting banking executives, <br />they are surprised that our collection rate is as high as it is given the population from whom our collections are made [italics <br />added]. Office of the State Auditor, 20. <br />117 Shapiro, “As Court Fees Rise, the Poor Are Paying the Price.” <br />118 Prison Policy Initiative, “North Carolina Profile.”