for the same reason. Everywhere, it
<br />seems, the theme is the same: govern-
<br />ment trampling on and impoverishing
<br />mom -and -pop landowners.
<br />Indeed, property rights proponents
<br />fuel the notion that the movement is a
<br />fight to get big government off the backs
<br />of the little guys: And that's one element
<br />of it. But that's hardly the whole story.
<br />Real estate, ranching, agricultural and
<br />timber interests, among others, have a
<br />big stake in the outcome of land use deci-
<br />sions and have funded property rights
<br />lobbying efforts and court cases on the
<br />state and national level.
<br />Several of the directors of the Florida
<br />Legal Foundation, for instance, are exec-
<br />utives of agribusinesses that own hun-
<br />dreds of thousands of acres of Florida
<br />land. The foundation's only mission is to
<br />protect private property rights. Just two
<br />years old, the foundation spent nearly
<br />$270,000 last year to run a two- person
<br />office and help small landowners take
<br />.governments to court over takings issues.
<br />"It is recognized that if an adverse prece-
<br />dent can be established in a case against a
<br />small landowner, it can be used against
<br />large landowners," says Michael Rosen,
<br />executive director of the foundation.
<br />In Washington State, businesses
<br />underwrote the signature - gathering effort
<br />that sent the compensation measure to
<br />the legislature. "The feeling was they
<br />wouldn't have gotten anywhere without
<br />industry money," says state Senator Mary
<br />Margaret Haugen, an opponent of the
<br />measure. A second petition drive by
<br />opponents prevented the legislature from
<br />enacting the measure on its own and put
<br />it instead on the November ballot.
<br />The Committee for Initiative 164 —
<br />formed by the property rights propo-
<br />nents —had spent $280,881 as of mid -
<br />July. The top contributor was the
<br />building industry's association, which
<br />kicked in $52,000. Next was a real estate
<br />brokers' group, which provided $25,000.
<br />The top seven contributions from timber
<br />companies came to $54,500.
<br />But while expensive industry lobby-
<br />ing campaigns and mom - and -pop hor-
<br />ror stories keep the issue bubbling
<br />across the country, the question of just
<br />how deep property rights sentiment
<br />runs is an open one. "It's a real issue,
<br />and real political forces have coalesced
<br />and achieved a surprising amount of
<br />success," says Kayden, "but I'm not
<br />convinced it's a broadly based public
<br />concern that government is routinely
<br />30 G O V E R N I N G October 1995
<br />Property rights
<br />proponents say their
<br />goal is not to enrich
<br />landowners, but to get
<br />governments to stop
<br />over - regulating.
<br />trampling on property rights. It's less a
<br />groundswell than a more narrowly sup-
<br />ported vested interest group's agenda."
<br />A citizen's initiative on takings in Ari-
<br />zona was rejected handily when it was
<br />put to the voters last year. It was not even
<br />a compensation measure; it called for the
<br />attorney general to set guidelines for
<br />what constituted a taking and for state
<br />agencies to use the guidelines to do a
<br />cost - benefit analysis of regulations.
<br />In Washington State, opponents of the
<br />property rights compensation measure on
<br />this November's ballot needed 90,000 sig-
<br />natures to delay enactment of the measure
<br />by the legislature and put it to the voters.
<br />They got more than 230,000 signatures.
<br />New Hampshire state Senator Richard
<br />Russman tried to convince Congress that
<br />the takings legislation being considered
<br />on Capitol Hill could create an expen-
<br />sive, unnecessary new entitlement pro-
<br />gram. "Beyond a few isolated anecdotal
<br />accounts," he argued before a House sub-
<br />committee, "there are no studies or evi-
<br />dence to support the notion that the judi-
<br />cial branch of government has abdicated
<br />its role in protecting private property
<br />owners from overreaching government
<br />regulation."
<br />bile compensation legislation has
<br />been slow in coming, property
<br />rights proponents say that isn't
<br />the point anyway. Their real goal, they
<br />insist, is not to force governments to enrich
<br />individual landowners, but to get govern-
<br />ments to stop over - regulating. "The objec-
<br />tive is to get government to clean up its act
<br />and to stop taking private property unless
<br />it's absolutely necessary," says Richard
<br />Sanders, a lawyer retained by the propo-
<br />nents of the Washington State initiative.
<br />Indeed, property rights bills are start-
<br />ing to have the effect that proponents
<br />want and environmentalists feared. Gov-
<br />ernments are hesitating, uncertain which
<br />regulations will trigger payment or court
<br />action. Even if they are regulating prop-
<br />erly under the laws, they worry they still
<br />may have to justify their actions in court.
<br />This creates a dilemma for local gov-
<br />ernments in states such as Florida and -
<br />Washington. The localities are required
<br />by state growth management laws to limit
<br />development densities, yet state property
<br />rights compensation laws may end up
<br />punishing them for doing so.
<br />Almost immediately after Florida's
<br />compensation law took effect in May,
<br />West Palm Beach Assistant County
<br />Attorney Bob Banks recommended to the
<br />county commissioners that they scrap a
<br />plan to reduce development in an agri-
<br />cultural reserve area east of the Ever-
<br />glades. They took his advice. "We
<br />couldn't downzone the property without
<br />some possibility of being subjected to the
<br />new law," says Banks. Florida's law is
<br />ambiguous:. It says if a government "inor-
<br />dinately burdens" a landowner through
<br />its action, it must pay compensation.
<br />Defining that phrase will be a matter for
<br />the courts to hash out the next few years.
<br />Fort Lauderdale was considering mod-
<br />ernizing its zoning codes. It has halted
<br />the process, even though it had already
<br />paid consultants several hundred thou-
<br />sand dollars. Until the city can figure out
<br />how the new state law will be inter-
<br />preted, city leaders are reluctant to get
<br />tripped up by it.
<br />The chilling effect in Florida is more
<br />pronounced in some counties than in oth-
<br />ers. But everyone is concerned about
<br />changing existing regulations or putting
<br />new ones in place. The advice circulating
<br />is for planners to bronze their zoning
<br />codes and sit tight. "We're in the position_._
<br />of not wanting to do anything that will
<br />adversely affect property owners, even if
<br />it will benefit others," says Mark
<br />Bamebey, senior assistant county attorney
<br />in Manatee County. "Significant changes
<br />in codes could result in a large liability
<br />without even blinking an eye. There are
<br />just too many questions about the law."
<br />If the property rights revolution has
<br />achieved little else so far, it has startled
<br />governments into reviewing their routine
<br />regulatory actions. States and localities
<br />that may not have thought they were
<br />stepping over the line when regulating
<br />landowners are looking again. "'There has
<br />been insensitivity in the regulatory com-
<br />munity to the deep feeling that govern-
<br />ment regulators are going too far in some
<br />cases," says Harvard's Kayden. "If the
<br />wake -up call was not delivered earlier, it
<br />certainly has been delivered now."
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