Orange County NC Website
frustration was expressed in other interviews. <br />For example, a respondent from Virginia said <br />the Dillon Rule, a judicial doctrine that limits <br />local government authority in Virginia, North <br />Carolina, and other states (Clay 1989), pre- <br />vents her local government from establishing <br />rules and regulations governing land applica- <br />tion where she lives. She felt that it was unfair <br />to favor one land owner who wants to use <br />sludge when the majority of the community is <br />opposed to it. She added, <br />The industry has all the control. Because they can <br />pull up application, or they can lay it down. And <br />they don't care. As long as they've got permission <br />to do it, they're going to do it. <br />In spite of perceived barriers to influenc- <br />ing land application decisions, over half of the <br />interviewees (19/34) described changes they <br />would like the industry to make to improve <br />public notification and enhance public and <br />environmental protections. First, several <br />respondents suggested public officials should <br />directly notify residents within 1 mile of sludge <br />fields before the first and subsequent land <br />application events. A few said residents should <br />be given the opportunity before land applica- <br />tion events to inform public officials of house- <br />hold members with health conditions, such as a <br />respiratory illness or weakened immune system, <br />so that an injection method of land application <br />can be used to better safeguard their health, or <br />so application at the site can be suspended. <br />Some respondents who reported poorly <br />visible signs near sludge fields or who reported <br />seeing no signs at all suggested that land appli- <br />ers post large visible signs 2 weeks before <br />application and for the duration of the event. <br />Respondents said this would allow them to <br />prepare for the event and take necessary safety <br />precautions for their family and animals. Also <br />related to public notifications, some respon- <br />dents said they would like to receive the results <br />of sludge testing from the wastewater treat- <br />ment plants that apply waste near their homes <br />in order to monitor concentrations of harmful <br />constituents and possible concerns. <br />Respondents concerned about well water <br />contamination said the city should provide <br />water to residents in land application areas or <br />offer free periodic testing of their private well <br />water to evaluate its safety. A few respondents <br />said application in a critical watershed and <br />land application before forecasted rain events <br />should be prohibited. If the latter should occur, <br />respondents said the sludge should be tilled <br />under immediately following application to <br />prevent runoff. Some respondents also felt that <br />land application should not occur under windy <br />conditions because of the increased likelihood <br />of exposing neighbors to migrating pollut- <br />ants. Generally speaking, respondents who <br />were aware of land application rules and who <br />reported violations said that better enforcement <br />Sewage sludge, health, and environmental justice <br />of existing rules is needed to protect human <br />and environmental health. <br />Respondents who felt there were conflicts <br />of interest in land application governance and <br />practice that undermine human health and <br />the environment said these should be mini- <br />mized by contracting with independent sci- <br />entists to perform and report soil and sludge <br />batch testing; funding independent, formal <br />research about health and environmental <br />impacts of sludge application; prohibiting <br />state and local health departments and the <br />U.S. EPA from promoting land application; <br />and making government employees respon- <br />sible for telling residents the truth about land <br />application. <br />Finally, a few respondents said they would <br />like the land application industry to improve <br />and maintain roads damaged by the frequent <br />travel of heavy sludge trucks. <br />Overall, eight respondents said they would <br />like land application to stop, either indefinitely <br />or until independent research can "prove it's <br />safe" for human health and the environment. <br />Discussion <br />We used qualitative research methods to <br />enhance understanding of the impacts of land - <br />applied sewage sludge on the health and qual- <br />ity of life of nearby populations. Respondents <br />reported symptoms consistent with findings <br />from earlier studies that report neighbors of <br />land application sites experience physical reac- <br />tions to land- applied sludge (Gattie and Lewis <br />2004; Lewis et al. 2002). Confined animal <br />feeding operations (CAFOs) also apply liquid <br />wastes and sludge to farmland. CAFO neigh- <br />bors describe health impacts similar to those <br />reported by neighbors of land - applied sew- <br />age sludge (Butlers 2005; Horton et al. 2009; <br />Radon et al. 2007; Schiffman 1998; Schiffman <br />et al. 2000; Schinasi et al. 2011; Tajik et al. <br />2008; Thu 2002; Thu et al. 1997; Wing and <br />Wolf 2000; Wing et al. 2008). The overlap of <br />hazardous agents in CAFO waste and treated <br />sewage sludge, including odorant compounds, <br />endotoxins, and other allergens and irritants, <br />suggests that similar community health impacts <br />are plausible (Lewis et al. 2002). <br />Respondents also reported adverse impacts <br />on their mental and social well-being and on <br />the surrounding natural environment. Some <br />said they observed sludge spillage on public <br />roadways and private property, grazing cattle <br />on land - applied pasture soon after applica- <br />tion, and sludge runoff into surface waters. <br />These and other land application activities <br />that respondents said they witnessed are vio- <br />lations of land application standards in one <br />or more of the three states represented in <br />this study (Harrison and Eaton 2001; North <br />Carolina Department of Environment and <br />Natural Resources 2006; South Carolina <br />Department of Health and Environmental <br />Control 2009; Virginia Department of <br />Environmental Quality 2011), highlighting <br />the need for stricter enforcement of standards. <br />Respondents also described environmental <br />injustices related to land application of sewage <br />sludge, including barriers to participating in <br />decisions about how the practice is conducted <br />in their neighborhood. Land application of <br />sewage sludge is part of a larger context of envi- <br />ronmental injustice that characterizes relation- <br />ships between urban areas that create wastes <br />and nearby rural areas that receive the wastes. <br />In addition to sewage sludge, urban wastes <br />disposed in rural and semirural communities <br />include municipal solid wastes, construction <br />and demolition debris, and industrial wastes <br />(Norton et al. 2007). Jones (2011) describes <br />the urban —rural dimension of environmental <br />injustice this way: <br />For the majority of Americans who live in metro- <br />politan areas, rural dumping becomes a logical <br />choice: undeveloped land is inexpensive and avail- <br />able, fewer residents will be harmed should con- <br />tainment measures fail, and, most importantly, <br />nuisances and dangers are removed from their <br />own neighborhoods. <br />This report does not include everything <br />respondents said about living near sludge appli- <br />cation sites; rather it represents the dominant <br />themes that we identified in the open -ended <br />interviews. There were few positive remarks <br />about sludge and the response of industry and <br />government officials to residents' concerns, <br />possibly because of our method of recruiting <br />participants. We asked community contacts <br />to help us identify people who could pro- <br />vide information on the subject of living near <br />sludge application sites. Although we did not <br />ask for referrals to people who had problems <br />with sludge, people with negative opinions of <br />the practice may share local social networks, <br />which could lead to their perspectives being <br />overrepresented. Alternatively, some rural resi- <br />dents who have been negatively affected by <br />land application of sludge may be unwilling to <br />speak out or participate in research because they <br />fear retribution from influential land owners or <br />government officials who benefit from sludge <br />application and control rental property, access <br />to resources, or jobs. In addition, we are unable <br />to report the numbers of respondents who had <br />similar or opposing views or experiences for <br />all interview topics because we obtained the <br />information through open -ended interviews <br />that did not probe the participants to respond <br />to a list of standardized questions. Our study <br />was not designed to quantify the prevalence or <br />incidence of reported symptoms, health impacts <br />and other concerns in populations near land <br />application sites. <br />Our study does demonstrate that people <br />of diverse backgrounds who live in three dif- <br />ferent states raised health and environmental <br />concerns about land application. Similarities <br />Environmental Health Perspectives • VOLUME 121 1 NUMBER 51 May 2013 541 <br />IIIIIIIIIIII <br />