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Levengood 4 <br />the whole inconclusive. Weber, Batta, and Merriman found mixed results among <br />industrial districts in Chicago, and Smith, like Man and Rosentraub, observed a <br />positive relationship with residential property value. <br />Beyond their effect on property values, TIFs may produce a range of negative <br />consequences. One major concern highlighted by Weber is that TIFs impact <br />overlapping jurisdictions. Because property taxes are captured within the TIF <br />district, services that are provided at the city and county level, such as education, <br />may suffer. Further, TIFs may generate increased need for these services. If a <br />redevelopment project, for example, increases overall population, then the TIF will <br />have created additional demand for city and county services (Weber 621 -626). <br />Like many authors, Weber has focused her critique on Chicago. Employing over 129 <br />TIFs, covering nearly 30% of the city's land area, with $400 million in revenues <br />Chicago has served as a TIF laboratory for both academics and policymakers <br />(Neighborhood Capital Budget Group). The city, however, is politically, <br />demographically, and economically distinct from most other places using TIP. As <br />local governments in suburban and rural areas turn to the financing tool, the <br />conditions of blight originally confronted in Chicago are no longer relevant. What <br />remains pertinent, however, are the traditional TIF critiques, which have arguably <br />become even more problematic. <br />III. Suburban and rural "greenfield" TIF <br />According to one report, "What was once a tool specifically created for urban <br />redevelopment is now used to fund nearly every kind of development on all types of <br />land" (Mayrl 2). In Wisconsin, this change has led to the majority of TIFs being <br />located in rural and less populous counties, an imbalance taking place across the <br />country (Mayr16). <br />The proceeded case studies seek to outline the risks and potential rewards of these <br />emerging "greenfield TIFs." Though isolated and in an economically depressed <br />region, the first case is relevant to Orange County because it was the first TIF project <br />in North Carolina, and the project's failure has impacted the perception of TIF in the <br />state. The remaining two cases include suburban TIFs in major metropolitan areas. <br />Roanoke Rapids, NC <br />Rural or small -town TIFs have become popular because greenfield land in these <br />areas is assessed for its "crop- growing potential." This artificially depressed value, <br />unlike in urban areas, can appreciate rapidly (Mayrl 6). Despite the likelihood of <br />appreciation, however, rural TIFs carry a relatively high degree of risk. Transaction <br />costs may be high; infrastructure may be costly to develop; and unlike in urban <br />neighborhoods, where a substantial demand for goods and services is usually <br />present or located within range, rural zones may lack proven demand. <br />